Is the cult of personality a democratic basis? No, insider trading could be
By Glauco D’Agostino
It’s official. In Russia, it is viable what is “not suggested” in Italy. “Not suggested” is a well-known term used in some circles. You can do it, but you will suffer the consequences of the “democratic” axe or its derivative. Examples of this are the measures of “democratic sensitivity” that even private universities, those that are not under the blackmail of public budgets, happily implement. Ask Prof. Alessandro Orsini and his censorship by the top management of LUISS “Free” International University, controlled by “Confindustria” tycoons. Let alone the others, where racist gasps “advise against” lectures on Dostoevskij. Even “fair play” is over. We are at the inquisitorial censorship. Something else than Monsignor Della Casa. He was born in the Florence of Medici, not yet Italian!
Italy discovers that in a democratic system, there is an opposition. We had lost the memory of it here, in Italy. Putin’s Russia should have reminded us of this. Thus, the image of the journalist who asks for peace (unheard of in Italy that sells weapons) and challenges the executive power (“not suggested” in Italy), much-publicised by the Western media as a freak rather than a democratic right, becomes a boomerang. It authorises disturbing parallels. Bad sign for the Western propaganda and intelligence controllers not able to sufficiently direct public opinion towards the desired results, that is, unanimity. Putin doesn’t need it.
Think about it. In Russia, Putin “enjoys” a democratic opposition, as elected by a majority percentage of the people. And his party has an identified name and a majority in the Duma under an electoral victory. The other, the democratic opposition, plays the constitutionally guaranteed role of protest. In Italy, a high-ranking bureaucrat plays his role as “Great Conductor of the Nation” by a power agreement legitimately achieved in Parliament, such that all parliamentary groups find a democratic unity and for which there is no longer any opposition. My sculptor friends are already working on an equestrian statue celebrating him still alive. So we screw Putin, who doesn’t have it yet.
Everyone can choose the model he wants, of course. Russia is considered an Eastern country, has its history, and we all know it. And in Italy, proud of its “Westernism”, Bonapartism is an endemic vice, which has been emulated one after another, both in Fascist Italy no less than in the proxy-state that replaced it. Endemic vice, in fact! It is a paradox. Post-Soviet Russia tries (let’s say at least tries) to run by the principles of the state liberal bases. And Putin is the head of a party responsible for leading a large and complex multi-ethnic federation like Russia. He risks all for. In democratic countries, it is usual to know who you represent, in the name of who you rule. This is the case in Macron’s France, Scholz’s Germany, Johnson’s Great Britain, even in Hichilema’s Zambia.
In Italy, the appointed “Maximum Leader”, conveying exclusive circles “suggestions” confidentially fixing the destiny of entire countries, and yet legitimately invested by the parliamentary spectrum (in turn on behalf of the defenceless people), slyly sneaks. What do I have to do? I am not a politician. It is people’s will, not my responsibility. It’s a way of saying: the war is Putin’s. The sanctions I imposed on Russia are not mine since Italians are accountable for them. He recalls the attitude of the “Great Leader” Brezhnev when he claimed the goal achievement of the Homo Sovieticus in the name of the Soviet people, of course. Honours to me, responsibilities to you. “Mancu i fissa”, says a Sicilian wording hard to translate into English. And I add: “Not in my name!” The “fiesta is over.” Morgan Stanley certified so. Perhaps, it failed to communicate it.
Italy risks a Soviet-style drift, and many do not like it. In my youth, I lived in Warsaw and Soviet Moscow. The former KGB agent currently in the Kremlin favoured their freedom from collectivism and met the bewilderment of the then-strongest Communist Party in Europe, the Italian one. Today, in the Belpaese, the sole not colluding with the oligarch on duty are the militants of the small group “Potere al Popolo!” [Power to the People!] with only one representative in the Italian Parliament. But a Sovietisation danger does not come from them. It comes from those who launched provisions like “proletarian expropriations” of private property belonging to foreign citizens with no specific charges of crimes, either in Italy or their homeland. A juridical barbarism. The leaders of the state and the constitutional scholars also twist: “Who am I to judge?” It’s trendy in Trastevere and its surroundings.
I would focus on something else, like insider trading dangers in times of stock market instability and the black market the sanctions promote for the organised crime benefit. “Safe” stock information works wonders in wartime, and brokers, commodity or IRD experts, swarm the mansions that matter. Discreetly, without too much noise. Anyway, it’s about simple financial transactions. Among oligarchs, we understand each other, we do? On a side note, international intelligence is so efficient that it has not yet located other several hundred-millions-dollars-worth yachts in the availability of the Russian oligarchs, preys of the Italian “Sovietisation.” Each of them couldn’t care less! They are real oligarchs. They, as well, aspire to high-ranking state charges!
Caution! We don’t need yachts to acquire and caviar of poaching for lunch. Here the basis of the law is at stake. But for the “spotted hyenas,” the “fiesta” goes on.
